{"id":19060,"date":"2024-06-06T06:53:44","date_gmt":"2024-06-06T06:53:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nimd.org\/africas-2024-elections-landscape-a-mid-year-stocktake\/"},"modified":"2025-12-17T11:31:06","modified_gmt":"2025-12-17T11:31:06","slug":"africas-2024-elections-landscape-a-mid-year-stocktake","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nimd.org\/fr\/africas-2024-elections-landscape-a-mid-year-stocktake\/","title":{"rendered":"Le paysage \u00e9lectoral de l'Afrique en 2024 : Un bilan \u00e0 mi-parcours"},"content":{"rendered":"

Par Tayuh Ngenge, directeur du NIMD Renforcer l'infrastructure d\u00e9mocratique<\/a> th\u00e8me principal<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

Annonc\u00e9e comme une ann\u00e9e de super \u00e9lections (<\/span>UIP<\/span><\/a>), 2024 est une ann\u00e9e d'\u00e9ch\u00e9ances \u00e9lectorales majeures, y compris dans au moins 17 pays d'Afrique. \u00c0 mi-parcours, des \u00e9lections pr\u00e9sidentielles ont eu lieu aux Comores (janvier), au S\u00e9n\u00e9gal (mars), au Tchad et en Afrique du Sud (mai). Au moins 13 autres pays devraient organiser des \u00e9lections pr\u00e9sidentielles entre juin et d\u00e9cembre, au cours desquelles les sortants conserveront le pouvoir ou le c\u00e9deront \u00e0 de nouveaux venus. <\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Le pr\u00e9sident des Comores, Azali Assoumani, et le pr\u00e9sident du Tchad, Mahamat Deby, deux personnages au pedigree militaire, ont \u00e9t\u00e9 r\u00e9\u00e9lus malgr\u00e9 une contestation g\u00e9n\u00e9ralis\u00e9e et parfois violente des r\u00e9sultats. Le S\u00e9n\u00e9gal a \u00e9lu Bassirou Diomaye Faye (44 ans), le plus jeune pr\u00e9sident de son histoire - un r\u00e9sultat stup\u00e9fiant et des plus impr\u00e9visibles, puisque dix jours auparavant, il \u00e9tait prisonnier politique et la d\u00e9mocratie s\u00e9n\u00e9galaise au bord de l'effondrement. Apr\u00e8s des pertes \u00e9lectorales sans pr\u00e9c\u00e9dent la semaine derni\u00e8re, le parti au pouvoir du pr\u00e9sident sud-africain Ramaphosa, le Congr\u00e8s national africain (ANC), doit maintenant partager le pouvoir dans son tout premier gouvernement de coalition - un nouveau test pour le syst\u00e8me politique et la d\u00e9mocratie sud-africains. Qu'est-ce que les scrutins nationaux organis\u00e9s jusqu'\u00e0 pr\u00e9sent nous apprennent sur l'\u00e9tat des \u00e9lections et de la d\u00e9mocratie sur le continent ?<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Les \u00e9lections en Afrique restent complexes et d\u00e9sordonn\u00e9es\u00a0<\/span><\/b>\u00a0<\/span><\/h2>\n

Dans la mesure o\u00f9 les partis au pouvoir b\u00e9n\u00e9ficiant d'un fort avantage au niveau du pouvoir en place ont subi des pertes importantes, les \u00e9lections au S\u00e9n\u00e9gal et en Afrique du Sud illustrent tout de m\u00eame une victoire pour la d\u00e9mocratie.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Pourtant, le scrutin s\u00e9n\u00e9galais - compte tenu de la crise et des tensions qui l'entourent - met en lumi\u00e8re la fragilit\u00e9 de la d\u00e9mocratie dans des contextes o\u00f9 elle a souvent \u00e9t\u00e9 consid\u00e9r\u00e9e comme acquise et consolid\u00e9e. Les man\u0153uvres politiques du pr\u00e9sident sortant Macky Sall, vraisemblablement pour prolonger ind\u00fbment son mandat ou au moins influencer le scrutin au profit du porte-\u00e9tendard de sa coalition au pouvoir, ont presque ruin\u00e9 les ant\u00e9c\u00e9dents d\u00e9mocratiques du S\u00e9n\u00e9gal. Comme au Mali, au B\u00e9nin ou au Niger avant lui, le S\u00e9n\u00e9gal montre ainsi les limites de la d\u00e9mocratie. <\/span>Samuel Huntington<\/span><\/a>Le test des \"deux tours de scrutin\" pour \u00e9valuer la qualit\u00e9 de la d\u00e9mocratie d'un pays. Par-dessus tout, il nous indique que l'autosatisfaction d\u00e9mocratique - si l'on peut dire - est un luxe que nous ne pouvons pas nous permettre.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

La d\u00e9mocratie - consolid\u00e9e ou non - est plus qu'un prix \u00e0 conqu\u00e9rir et \u00e0 laisser dormir. Nous devons plut\u00f4t la comprendre comme un processus permanent qu'il faut constamment nourrir et dont il faut s'occuper m\u00eame si, en apparence, il n'y a pas d'imp\u00e9ratif en ce sens. La situation \u00e9lectorale nous rappelle douloureusement que plus de 30 ans apr\u00e8s la troisi\u00e8me vague de d\u00e9mocratisation, le projet d\u00e9mocratique africain reste une mosa\u00efque de progr\u00e8s et de reculs. <\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

En toute honn\u00eatet\u00e9, un plus grand nombre de titulaires que par le pass\u00e9 ont c\u00e9d\u00e9 le pouvoir \u00e0 la suite d'une d\u00e9faite \u00e9lectorale ces derniers temps dans toute l'Afrique. D'autres ont c\u00e9d\u00e9 aux pressions exerc\u00e9es par la limitation des mandats constitutionnels. Pourtant, rares sont les \u00e9lections africaines qui se d\u00e9roulent sans crise ou qui r\u00e9pondent aux normes internationales en mati\u00e8re d'\u00e9lections d\u00e9mocratiques. Des formes plus sophistiqu\u00e9es de truquage ont remplac\u00e9 celles d'antan<\/span>s<\/span> des pratiques rudimentaires de bourrage d'urnes. Les contestations des r\u00e9sultats - m\u00eame si elles passent de plus en plus par les tribunaux plut\u00f4t que par la rue - restent courantes et, dans certains cas, violentes. Les \u00e9lections pr\u00e9sidentielles, dont les enjeux sont consid\u00e9rables et o\u00f9 le vainqueur rafle tout, sont les plus probl\u00e9matiques, et plus encore dans le cas des scrutins dits \"sortants\", o\u00f9 les pr\u00e9sidents en exercice sont \u00e9galement candidats.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00c0 l'aube du second semestre 2024, alors que treize autres courses pr\u00e9sidentielles se profilent, cette triste r\u00e9alit\u00e9 doit nous faire r\u00e9fl\u00e9chir, et ce pour de bonnes raisons. Plus de la moiti\u00e9 de ces courses se d\u00e9rouleront dans des contextes d'extr\u00eame fragilit\u00e9 d\u00e9mocratique ou dans lesquels des candidats sortants aux tendances autoritaires seront en lice. Il s'agit notamment du Rwanda, de la Tunisie, de la Guin\u00e9e-Bissau, du Somaliland, du Sud-Soudan, de la Guin\u00e9e et de l'Alg\u00e9rie.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Le retour du coup d'\u00c9tat<\/span><\/b>\u00a0<\/span><\/h2>\n

L'Afrique est \u00e9galement t\u00e9moin de la r\u00e9surgence et de la normalisation des coups d'\u00c9tat militaires avec des putschistes qui ne semblent pas press\u00e9s de retourner dans les casernes. Les chefs militaires du Mali et du Burkina Faso ont gel\u00e9 pour une dur\u00e9e ind\u00e9termin\u00e9e les scrutins pr\u00e9vus en f\u00e9vrier et en juillet de cette ann\u00e9e, promettant une date ult\u00e9rieure, mais ne laissant planer aucun doute sur leur intention d'\u00eatre candidats lorsque cela se produira. Il n'est pas certain, mais tr\u00e8s probable, que le colonel guin\u00e9en Doumbaya, qui s'est r\u00e9cemment proclam\u00e9 g\u00e9n\u00e9ral, sera candidat aux \u00e9lections de d\u00e9cembre. Au Niger et au Gabon, les putschistes sont \u00e9galement aux commandes, tandis que la RDC a r\u00e9cemment \u00e9vit\u00e9 une tentative de coup d'\u00c9tat.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ce qu'il faut faire\u00a0<\/span><\/b>\u00a0<\/span><\/h2>\n

Ces sombres perspectives, non seulement dans les courses restantes mais plus largement, soulignent pourquoi, en tant que d\u00e9mocrates, nous devons redoubler d'efforts pour promouvoir et prot\u00e9ger la d\u00e9mocratie.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Heureusement, les r\u00e9centes \u00e9lections en Afrique du Sud et au S\u00e9n\u00e9gal permettent de tirer des le\u00e7ons pr\u00e9cieuses \u00e0 cet \u00e9gard. Il s'agit notamment du pouvoir d'une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile vigilante, inform\u00e9e et active, d'institutions fortes (telles que les tribunaux) et de partis politiques. Dans les deux pays, un ou plusieurs de ces \u00e9l\u00e9ments ont fait contrepoids aux attaques contre la d\u00e9mocratie elle-m\u00eame ou les valeurs qui la sous-tendent, ce qui a entra\u00een\u00e9 des pertes \u00e9lectorales pour les partis au pouvoir responsables.\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Le S\u00e9n\u00e9gal, par exemple, illustre la mani\u00e8re dont une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile forte, une opposition politique r\u00e9sistante et une cour constitutionnelle courageuse se sont oppos\u00e9es sans crainte et ont finalement permis d'obtenir des r\u00e9sultats spectaculaires dans un contexte politique et \u00e9lectoral complexe. De son c\u00f4t\u00e9, l'Afrique du Sud montre comment une population inform\u00e9e et une opposition politique solide et r\u00e9sistante ont progressivement r\u00e9duit la domination d'un ANC autrefois populaire, aujourd'hui surtout associ\u00e9 \u00e0 la corruption et \u00e0 l'inefficacit\u00e9.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Il est donc crucial d'\u00e9tendre et de renforcer le soutien \u00e0 ces acteurs et institutions en tant qu'agents de changement essentiels. C'est pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment ce que fait le NIMD \u00e0 travers son soutien inclusif aux partis politiques dans certains de ces contextes, par exemple au Burkina Faso, au Mali et au Somaliland, o\u00f9 les \u00e9lections pr\u00e9sidentielles sont pr\u00e9vues en novembre. <\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

De m\u00eame, au Burundi, qui organise des \u00e9lections l\u00e9gislatives l'ann\u00e9e prochaine et des \u00e9lections pr\u00e9sidentielles en 2027, le NIMD s'attaque d\u00e9j\u00e0 \u00e0 ces d\u00e9fis. Par exemple, il renforce les capacit\u00e9s des partis politiques et des organisations de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile pour s'assurer qu'ils peuvent relever les d\u00e9fis critiques et jouer un r\u00f4le significatif et constructif dans les \u00e9lections pr\u00e9vues.\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Pour en savoir plus sur le travail de la NIMD en faveur de d\u00e9mocraties fortes au Burundi, au Somaliland, au Burkina Faso, au Mali et dans d'autres contextes \u00e0 travers le monde, cliquez sur le lien suivant <\/span>ici<\/span><\/a>.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Par Tayuh Ngenge, chef de file du th\u00e8me Renforcement de l'infrastructure d\u00e9mocratique du NIMD Annonc\u00e9e comme une super ann\u00e9e \u00e9lectorale (UIP), 2024 est une ann\u00e9e d'\u00e9v\u00e9nements \u00e9lectoraux majeurs, y compris dans au moins 17 pays d'Afrique. \u00c0 mi-parcours, des \u00e9lections pr\u00e9sidentielles ont eu lieu aux Comores (janvier), au S\u00e9n\u00e9gal (mars), au Tchad et en Afrique du Sud (mai). Au moins 13 ... <\/a><\/p>","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":21830,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"inline_featured_image":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[149],"tags":[],"countries":[79,89,169,142],"theme":[73],"class_list":["post-19060","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-opinion-analysis","countries-burkina-faso","countries-mali","countries-somalia","countries-somaliland","theme-responsive-politics"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nAfrica\u2019s 2024 elections landscape: A mid-year stocktake - NIMD<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/nimd.org\/fr\/africas-2024-elections-landscape-a-mid-year-stocktake\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"fr_FR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Africa\u2019s 2024 elections landscape: A mid-year stocktake\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"By Tayuh Ngenge, NIMD’s Strengthening Democratic Infrastructure theme lead Announced as a super elections year (IPU), 2024 is a year of major electoral events, including in at least 17 countries in Africa. 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