{"id":18717,"date":"2018-08-15T09:47:39","date_gmt":"2018-08-15T09:47:39","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/nimd.org\/identity-politics-a-zero-sum-game\/"},"modified":"2025-04-07T07:59:37","modified_gmt":"2025-04-07T07:59:37","slug":"identity-politics-a-zero-sum-game","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/nimd.org\/fr\/identity-politics-a-zero-sum-game\/","title":{"rendered":"La politique de l'identit\u00e9 : un jeu \u00e0 somme nulle ?"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em><strong>Ce blog est le premier d'une s\u00e9rie d'articles dans lesquels Rob van Leeuwen, directeur de programme au NIMD, se penche sur les questions suivantes <\/strong><\/em><em><strong>sur des hypoth\u00e8ses communes concernant la d\u00e9mocratie et le soutien \u00e0 la d\u00e9mocratie.<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n<p>L'un des postulats de notre domaine de travail est que les d\u00e9mocraties avanc\u00e9es ont des partis politiques qui sont programmatiques. Cela signifie qu'ils formulent et poursuivent un ensemble coh\u00e9rent de positions sur les questions de politique publique. Cela devrait les rendre plus responsables devant les \u00e9lecteurs et leur permettre de gouverner plus efficacement lorsqu'ils sont au pouvoir. Dans le cadre de ce mod\u00e8le, un certain nombre de compromis sont possibles si les projets s'av\u00e8rent irr\u00e9alisables ou si un parti est contraint de collaborer avec d'autres partis ayant des positions diff\u00e9rentes.<\/p>\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone wp-image-6577\" src=\"http:\/\/nimd.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/CKA_6593.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"512\" height=\"342\" \/><\/p>\n<p>Ce point de vue refl\u00e8te l'\u00e9volution historique des partis politiques europ\u00e9ens depuis le dix-neuvi\u00e8me si\u00e8cle en tant que v\u00e9hicules de certaines id\u00e9ologies. Bien que l'importance de l'id\u00e9ologie ait rapidement diminu\u00e9 depuis la fin de la guerre froide, nous continuons \u00e0 d\u00e9finir les partis en fonction de leur position sur l'\u00e9chiquier politique (gauche ou droite, progressiste ou conservateur) et de leur position \u00e0 l'\u00e9gard des principales questions politiques du moment.<\/p>\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-6584\" src=\"http:\/\/nimd.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/pullquote-3-1-1.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"580\" height=\"78\" \/><\/p>\n<p>Dans le cadre de notre travail au sein du NIMD, les partis programmatiques et les politiques ax\u00e9es sur les probl\u00e8mes sont oppos\u00e9s aux politiques identitaires, dans lesquelles les partis politiques repr\u00e9sentent principalement certains groupes ethniques, religieux ou sectaires. Les politiques identitaires sont probl\u00e9matiques car elles tendent \u00e0 conduire \u00e0 des conceptions de la politique fond\u00e9es sur un jeu \u00e0 somme nulle, laissant peu de place \u00e0 la coop\u00e9ration et au compromis. Nous partons du principe que les politiques identitaires sont une caract\u00e9ristique des d\u00e9mocraties en d\u00e9veloppement, qu'elles abandonneront lorsqu'elles passeront \u00e0 un stade plus avanc\u00e9 de la d\u00e9mocratie.<\/p>\n<p>Mais lorsqu'on examine de plus pr\u00e8s les partis politiques europ\u00e9ens et les personnes qui votent pour eux, on s'aper\u00e7oit rapidement que les divisions entre eux sont plus profondes que les divergences d'opinion sur les questions de politique publique. Aux Pays-Bas, par exemple, les partis tendent \u00e0 se d\u00e9finir principalement par leurs programmes et leurs positions, mais il est facile de constater que certains partis attirent davantage certaines tranches d'\u00e2ge, des \u00e9lecteurs ruraux ou urbains, plus ou moins instruits.<\/p>\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-6582\" src=\"http:\/\/nimd.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/pullquote-2-3.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"580\" height=\"78\" \/><\/p>\n<p>La plupart des personnes urbaines, cosmopolites et ayant fait des \u00e9tudes universitaires qui font partie de mon cercle social actuel sont naturellement enclines \u00e0 voter pour des partis politiques progressistes ou lib\u00e9raux. En revanche, les personnes des cercles ruraux et religieux o\u00f9 j'ai grandi sont plus enclines \u00e0 voter pour des partis conservateurs. De m\u00eame, j'ai des amis au Royaume-Uni qui sont fermement pro-europ\u00e9ens alors que leurs parents sont de fervents partisans du Brexit.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Notre focalisation sur les programmes et les positions des partis cache le fait que sous la surface, il y a un fort courant de politique identitaire. Quelques variables d\u00e9mographiques et socio-\u00e9conomiques suffisent \u00e0 pr\u00e9dire nos pr\u00e9f\u00e9rences \u00e9lectorales. Nous sommes naturellement enclins \u00e0 voter pour des hommes politiques qui parlent notre langue, qui font des r\u00e9f\u00e9rences culturelles auxquelles nous pouvons nous identifier et qui refl\u00e8tent nos normes et nos valeurs. Cela signifie que les solutions qu'ils proposent ne sont pas seulement fond\u00e9es sur des consid\u00e9rations rationnelles, mais aussi sur des identit\u00e9s culturelles.<\/p>\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-6583\" src=\"http:\/\/nimd.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/pullquote-1-3.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"580\" height=\"53\" \/><\/p>\n<p>Qu'est-ce que cela signifie lorsqu'il s'agit d'amener les partis politiques \u00e0 dialoguer - un processus qui est au c\u0153ur de notre travail au NIMD ?<\/p>\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter wp-image-6591\" src=\"http:\/\/nimd.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/04\/BLK_0050-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"512\" height=\"339\" \/><\/p>\n<p>Le dialogue est souvent consid\u00e9r\u00e9 comme un outil permettant de parvenir \u00e0 un consensus. Cette volont\u00e9 de concilier des int\u00e9r\u00eats diff\u00e9rents et de parvenir \u00e0 un consensus est clairement ancr\u00e9e dans l'identit\u00e9 n\u00e9erlandaise de notre organisation (ce que l'on appelle le `<a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Polder_model\">mod\u00e8le de polder<\/a>'). Mais si l'on examine de plus pr\u00e8s l'histoire politique n\u00e9erlandaise, on constate que les conflits entre les diff\u00e9rents groupes identitaires (\"piliers\") n'ont pas toujours \u00e9t\u00e9 r\u00e9solus par consensus. Il s'agissait souvent d'une n\u00e9gociation sur la relation entre l'\u00c9tat et la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 et sur la mesure dans laquelle ces groupes \u00e9taient autoris\u00e9s \u00e0 pr\u00e9server leur propre identit\u00e9 culturelle. La tension entre le d\u00e9sir de parvenir \u00e0 un consensus et la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 d'accepter les diff\u00e9rences subsiste encore aujourd'hui.<\/p>\n<p>Lorsque les identit\u00e9s sont en jeu, le consensus n'est pas toujours possible. Les clivages culturels ne peuvent g\u00e9n\u00e9ralement pas \u00eatre r\u00e9solus par un compromis ou une solution technocratique. Le v\u00e9ritable test de la tol\u00e9rance r\u00e9side dans notre capacit\u00e9 \u00e0 accepter des points de vue diff\u00e9rents, m\u00eame s'ils semblent irrationnels ou s'ils vont \u00e0 l'encontre de nos valeurs et de nos croyances les plus profondes. Cela n\u00e9cessite un v\u00e9ritable dialogue : un dialogue ax\u00e9 sur la compr\u00e9hension et le respect mutuel, m\u00eame lorsque le consensus est hors de port\u00e9e.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Ce blog est le premier d'une s\u00e9rie de r\u00e9flexions, \u00e0 travers lesquelles Rob van Leeuwen, directeur de programme au NIMD, se penche sur les id\u00e9es re\u00e7ues concernant la d\u00e9mocratie et le soutien \u00e0 la d\u00e9mocratie. L'un des postulats dans notre domaine de travail est que les d\u00e9mocraties avanc\u00e9es ont des partis politiques qui sont programmatiques. Cela signifie qu'ils articulent et poursuivent un ensemble coh\u00e9rent ... <a href=\"https:\/\/nimd.org\/fr\/identity-politics-a-zero-sum-game\/\"><\/a><\/p>","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":22352,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"inline_featured_image":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[99],"tags":[],"countries":[],"theme":[],"class_list":["post-18717","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-news"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO Premium plugin v27.5 (Yoast SEO v27.5) - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-premium-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Identity politics: a zero-sum game? - NIMD<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/nimd.org\/fr\/identity-politics-a-zero-sum-game\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"fr_FR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Identity politics: a zero-sum game?\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"This blog is the first in a series of insights, through which NIMD Programme Manager\u00a0Rob van Leeuwen reflects on common assumptions about democracy and democracy support. 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